Wednesday, May 14, 2008

Art Leonard: N.C. Appeals Ruling Limits Extent of Partner's Parenting Rights

Link: Leonard Link
by Arthur S. Leonard

Full text by permission.

Earlier in May, we reported on the North Carolina Court of Appeals decision in Mason v. Dwinnell, holding that the same-sex partner of a birth mother could seek joint custody and visitation rights with a child born during the relationship of the women, if the birth mother had acted in such a way as to waive her constitutional rights to exclude third parties from contact with her child.  In that case, issued May 6, the court found that the birth mother had indicated from the outset her intention that her partner be an equal parent to the child (including executing a written agreement manifesting such intent), and had encouraged the development of a parent-child bond.

For some reason, our daily westlaw search that turned up the Mason case did not turn up a companion case issued the same date by the same court, also involving a same-sex couple in a child custody/visitation dispute, where the decision went the other way.  We just learned about this through an article in the North Carolina Lawyers Weekly newspaper, published on May 12, which turned up today for the first time on our daily westlaw newspaper database search.

The companion case is Estroff v. Chatterjee, 2008 WL1944858 (May 6).   The same Justice Geer also wrote for the court in this case.  She indicated that the result was controlled by the Mason decision, but that the facts compelled a different outcome, and the court affirmed the trial court's decision to dismiss the petition for custody and visitation brought by the biological mother's former same-sex partner.

The facts are starkly different from the prior case.  In this case, the two women, rather far apart in age, met when one was the professor teaching a course in which the other was enrolled.  They are 13 years apart in age.   Several years into their relationship, the younger decided to have children.  The older was not an active participant with respect to this decision; the opinion suggests that she agreed that the younger could have and raise children in the context of their relationship, but there was no express understanding that the older woman would be considered a parent.  In the event, the older woman did perform the insemination with donated sperm, and was present at the hospital for the delivery (of twins).  But during the pregnancy, which was difficult, bio-mom's mother actually came to live with her and was the primary caregiver through the pregnancy -- and was also present at the delivery.  According to the trial record (the trial court denied a pretrial dismissal motion, finding the need for a trial on the question of waiver of constitutional rights), when a nurse at the hospital addressed the older partner as "mom" she was sharply corrected by bio-mom.

There was no written parenting agreement or express agreement between the women that the older partner be considered a parent to the twins.  She did participate in raising them for the time the relationship continued, but the hearing record, as summarized by Judge Geer, suggests that bio-mom actively resisted the idea of older partner being a "mother" to the children and was uncomfortable with occasional suggestions that was the case.  When she decided to end the relationship and move out, she voluntarily allowed considerable visitation at the beginning with the idea that she would cut it down as the children became established in their new home.  When she started cutting down the visitation time, the former partner sued for custody and visitation rights.

Based on this record, the trial judge found that bio-mom had not waived her primary constitutional rights, and thus the court would not make a custody determination using a best interest standard to evaluate the older woman's claim.  The NC Court of Appeals affirmed.  As it had stressed in the Mason ruling, the sexual orientation or sex of the adult parties to the case was irrelevant.  The issue, in a contest between a natural parent and a "third party," was whether the natural parent had waived her constitutional rights to the extent that the other party could overcome the usual right to exclude third parties from contact with children.  In this case, the court of appeals found that the trial judge reached an appropriate conclusion based on the hearing record, the standard of review being whether there is evidence in the record to support the trial court's conclusion.  As usual in family law cases, a trial court's factual conclusions for which there is evidentiary support are usually preclusive on review, even if another court might have reached different conclusions through its interpretation of the same evidence.

There was quite a bit of argument in this case about "intent," as Estroff argued that if Chatterjee intended not to waive her rights, this was not clearly manifested to Estroff, Chatterjee allowing Estroff to form an attachment to the twins.  But the court said that the question is not whether the intent was clearly manifested, but rather whether it existed.  In this case, the trial judge found Chatterjee's evidence credible that she did not intend to waive her rights by treating Estroff as a mother of her children, and that she had not treated Estroff in that way.

The court also emphasized that it had not adopted the doctrines of parenthood by estoppel or de facto parenthood in Mason.  Rather, it had adopted the view that in the case where a parent has waived her constitutional primacy, a trial court could use the best interest test to evaluate the custody/visitation claims of a third party who has been serving in a parental role to the child.   In a footnote, the court emphasized that the disposition of this case was NOT about standing.  That is, the trial court dismissed the case after hearing not based on a finding that Estroff lacked standing, but rather based on a conclusion that Chatterjee had not waived her constitutional rights as a natural/legal parent.

[jw]

Commentary: The Confusing State of Gay Marriage in New York and Elsewhere

Link: The Huffington Post
by Edward Stein

Excerpt:
On May 6, New York's highest court handed down the latest decision in battle for the legal recognition of same-sex relationships. Its decision in Martinez v. County of Monroe, which was misunderstood by several commentators, let stand a dramatic but little discussed February ruling of a lower appellate court that said New York will recognize same-sex marriages from other jurisdictions. For the moment, same-sex couples in New York have a possible path to full relationship recognition in their home state, an exciting development. At the same time, New York is left with a bizarre patchwork of recognition and rejection of same-sex unions. While two New York residents of the same sex cannot get married in New York, they may travel to Canada, Belgium, Spain, South Africa, or the Netherlands, where same-sex couples can marry, get married, and, when they come back to New York, the state will fully recognized their marriage from the foreign country. What a strange state of affairs: to have your relationship recognized at home, you have to first travel abroad!

New York is not alone in dealing with same-sex relationships in an odd way. A legally-recognized same-sex couple in one state will get no recognition in other states. Even states that recognize one type of same-sex relationship may not recognize other types. California, for example, allows same-sex couples to become domestic partners, a legal status which entitles them to almost all the rights of marriage, but they are not allowed to get married. The future of this two-track path to relationship recognition in California -- marriage for different-sex couples and domestic partnerships for same-sex couples -- is currently before the California Supreme Court and a decision is expected by early June. If, as some are predicting, the California Supreme Court decides that the California Constitution requires allowing same-sex couples to marry, then this will get rid of some -- but not all -- of the confusion around same-sex unions in California. Even if same-sex couples can get married in California, the United States government will still not recognize their legal union.

[...]

The situation in Michigan is also rather odd in light of a recent court decision on May 7, one day after the Martinez decision in New York. [...] In effect, the Michigan court dissolved a whole class of relationships in an instant.

[...]

Whatever happens in New York over the next few years and in California over the next few weeks, the patchwork of recognition and rejection of same-sex relationship throughout the country will continue for a while. This is a strange state of affairs, but for a while at least, we have to get used to this complicated legal landscape for same-sex couples.

 

[jw]

CA: Celebration of Love and Family - times and locations

Link: Equality California

image On Thursday, May 15, the California Supreme Court will rule on the California marriage case that asks the state to end its ban on marriage for same-sex couples.

Join EQCA and our coalition partners as we gather the community for Celebration of Love and Family events to mark this historic day. We are hopeful for a positive decision from the Court, but regardless of the outcome, we will gather to celebrate our love and vow to work together to achieve equality.

Please bring a California flag and your pride. Families are welcome and encouraged to attend.

Read more about the marriage case.

  • Bakersfield
    5 p.m. | Liberty Bell at corner of Truxtun and Chester.
    More Information: Contact Whitney at 661.204.3180 or by email.

  • Concord
    7 p.m. | Rainbow Community Center, 3024 Willow Pass Road, Suite 200.
    More Information: Contact Leslie Stewart at 925.765.6064 or by email.

  • Los Angeles
    7 p.m. | At the intersection of San Vicente and Santa Monica Boulevards
    More Information: Contact Jason Howe with Lambda Legal, at 213.382.7600 x247 or by email.

  • Palm Springs
    5 p.m. |  Palm Springs City Hall front steps, 3200 East Tahquitz Canyon Way
    More Information: Contact Ted Jackson with Equality California, 805.617.9239 or by email.

  • Sacramento
    7 p.m. | Sacramento Gay and Lesbian Center
    More Information: Contact Ali Bay with Equality California, at 916.284.9187 or by email.

  • San Diego
    6 p.m. | San Diego LGBT Community Center, 3909 Centre Street
    More Information: Contact Fernando Lopez at 619.861.7939 or by email.

  • San Francisco
    5 p.m. | San Francisco LGBT Community Center, 1800 Market Street, corner of Market and Octavia
    More Information: Contact Roberto Ordenana at 415.865.5665 or by email.

  • San Jose
    6 p.m. | Santa Clara County Building, 70 West Hedding Street
    More Information: Contact Leslie Bulbuk of BAYMEC at 408.592.7315 or by email.

  • San Luis Obispo
    5 p.m. | San Luis Obispo Courthouse Steps
    More Information: Contact Lorelei Monet at 805.541.4252 or by email

  • San Rafael
    5:30 p.m. | At the corner of Third and Irwin Streets
    More Information: Contact Dolores at 415.497.6469 or by email.

  • Ukiah
    5:30 p.m. | Ukiah Brewing Company, 102 State Street.
    More Information: Contact Theresa SookneMizell at 707.354.4218
    Jennifer SookneMizell at 707.354.4219
    Jody Johnston at 707.489.6082 or by email.

So what will you do when the Court rules?

  • Express your joy – or frustration – with dignity and resoluteness.
  • Show that our community takes marriage seriously, and that we honor the commitment.
  • Tell your friends, family and co-workers what the ruling means to you.

[jw]

California court to rule on marriage case Thursday

Link: San Jose Mercury News

Excerpt:

California's Supreme Court will deliver a decision today on whether the state's statutory ban on same-sex marriage is constitutional, a bellwether ruling for the nation that could alter the issue's framing for years to come.

At issue is whether marriage is a fundamental civil right only when it is between one man and one woman, or when it's between any two people. 

Several same-sex couples and advocacy groups, joined by the city and county of San Francisco — which ratcheted up the rhetoric by issuing same-sex marriage licenses in 2004, only to see them voided by this court — argue that California law's ban violates same-sex couples' equal-protection rights and has no rational purpose.

The state and two conservative groups claim there's no right to same-sex marriage, and that California's citizens and lawmakers should define marriage, not the courts.

The Supreme Court heard oral arguments March 4; the justices' questions proved tough for both sides, and didn't clearly indicate how the court is likely to rule.

[...]

[jw]

Monday, May 12, 2008

Commentary: Coming soon, the mother of all battles

Link: Citizen Crain
by Chris Crain

Excerpt:

“I think there is a good chance we are about to face what could well be the single most important battle we have ever seen in the LGBT rights movement.”

That’s how Matt Coles, Director of the ACLU LGBT Project describes the epic battle we will face should the California Supreme Court decide in our favor on the same sex marriage case later this month. This major conflict will result from the confluence of two events:

  1. The California Supreme Court strikes down state law limiting marriage to opposite-sex couples.
  2. Almost simultaneously, voters will weigh in on a ballot initiative sponsored by VoteYesMarriage.com to amend the state's constitution to outlaw same sex marriage -- undoing the Supreme Court decision.

[...]

So get ready for World War-like battle for gay rights that we have no choice but to fight as if our lives depended on it. Certainly our future does. It will involve the LGBT community throughout the nation. We can argue about whether marriage was the right issue at the right time. But we’re here now, and we have no choice but to fight as hard as we can. This isn’t just about marriage -- it's about ending legal discrimination against gay people on any issue you can think of.

[...]

A victory for gay marriage in the California Supreme Court would be an earth-shaking event because:

  1. The California Supreme Court is one of the most respected in the country. The New York Times recently ran a story saying it is easily the most influential state court in the country. If we win in California, things will be quite favorable for us in other states going forward on this issue. The California Supreme Court was most instrumental in ending this nation's anti-miscegenation laws by ruling them unconstitutional in 1948 and the rest of the nation soon followed. Let's hope a same sex marriage ruling follows a similar trajectory.
  2. California alone represents the 8th largest economy in the world and over 12% of the U.S. population. In short, what happens in California has tremendous influence economically, politically, socially and culturally. California has a long history of starting new ideas in the United States.

Our opponents know all this, so it will be a do-or-die situation for them. They will want to punish the court if they rule our way to send a message to other state courts not to do the same. If they lose the ballot initiative in California, they know the same sex marriage war is all but over.

Our side knows that if we sustain a court victory by the people in a ballot initiative, it will be a short time before gay rights victories spread across the country. So in a sense, the California battle will as crucial as the Battle of the Bulge in WWII. Both sides will throw everything they have at it because they know that the ultimate outcome of the gay rights war will turn on this battle.

[...]

Matt sums it up:

The prospect of a ballot initiative is scary. But we have no choice but to face it. And in facing it, we should keep one thing in mind. A win at the California Supreme Court, confirmed by the voters, followed up with a smart strategy building on the wins and persuading the public, would put in our grasp an end to legal discrimination (against gays) in less than a generation.

[jw]

MI: Editorial--Same-sex benefits: right ruling, wrong message

Link: Grand Rapids Press

Excerpt:

Wednesday's ruling from the Michigan Supreme Court striking down benefits for domestic partners at public institutions verifies a fairly obvious, straight-forward reading of the state constitution.

The ruling exposes, too, the obvious deceit of some who sold the 2004 marriage amendment to the public as merely an attempt to ban gay marriage in Michigan. In fact, it did much more. The result is detrimental to the reputation of a state that should be open and inclusive of all, including gay and lesbian people. The decision certainly hurts those who will lose their health care, or be unable to obtain any, because of it.

Too, it hamstrings universities and other public employers in recruiting world-class thinkers and researchers. The unfortunate truth is that a majority on the court, and probably the state, don't seem to care.

[...]

The marriage amendment, enacted by a solid voter majority, reads: "To secure and preserve the benefits of marriage for our society and for future generations of children, the union of one man and one woman in marriage shall be the only agreement recognized as a marriage or similar union for any purpose."

That final phrase -- "or similar union for any purpose" -- was central to this case. Benefits for same-sex partners function much as benefits for married individuals. The institutions that offer them thereby recognize domestic partnerships as "similar" unions, the court held.

During the 2004 campaign, a brochure distributed by amendment backers, "Citizens for the Protection of Marriage," meant to persuade voters that such benefits would not be affected. "This is not about rights or benefits or how people choose to live their life," the brochure read.

But the amendment's architects added the six decisive word, ". . .or similar union for any purpose" for some reason. Clearly, they wanted to do more than just ban gay marriage. In fact, the phrase likely rules out civil unions, too, another lamentable consequence of this sweeping prohibition.

Justice Stephen Markman, who wrote for the majority, noted that the sales pitch of supporters -- however inaccurate -- can't be the basis for the court's opinion. "Such extrinsic evidence can hardly be used to contradict the unambiguous language of the constitution," he wrote. He noted, too, that plenty of people warned at the time that the wording of the amendment could cut off domestic partner benefits. This newspaper was among those raising the alarm.

Regardless, the court should not be expected to correct campaign misrepresentations or look magically into voters' minds to decide what citizens did or did not understand. The straightforward meaning of the constitution's language should carry the day.

The sad result of that clear language will be limits on health care for Michigan residents, and further limits on public employer efforts to recruit qualified candidates. The message to voters who may not have been aware of, or desired, this draconian effect: buyer beware. The message to some people considering Michigan as a place to live and work may be more forbidding yet: keep out.

[jw]

MI: Benefits ruling stings same-sex couples [and taxpayers]

Link: Press & Argus - Livingston, MI

Excerpt:

When Tracey Arledge worked for the University of Michigan, she had the chance to sign up her lesbian partner and their three children for health benefits through her employer.

Now, she said, a new high court ruling that derailed the practice could mean an unintended hit to the pocketbook for taxpayers if same-sex couples are forced off employer-based health plans and into state-supported coverage.

"I find it ironic," said Arledge, 41, who lives north of Howell in rural Cohoctah Township. "I just think some people are so idiotic. They don't understand. Let gay people pay for their families so, guess what, you don't have to pay."

The Michigan Supreme Court ruled Wednesday that a voter-approved ban on gay marriage also prevents governments and state universities from recognizing domestic partnerships to provide health insurance to the partners of gay workers.

The high court's 5-2 decision affects up to 20 universities, community colleges, school districts and governments in Michigan with policies covering at least 375 gay couples.

Gay-rights advocates said the ruling is devastating, but they remain confident that employers in the employers in the public sector have successfully rewritten or will revise their benefit plans so same-sex partners can keep getting health care.

Arledge used to work for U-M and paid for health insurance for her partner, Jennifer Arledge-Teran, and their three children. Arledge said one of the reasons she stayed 10 years at the university was because she could receive insurance for domestic partners.

Last year, Arledge left U-M and went back to school to obtain her teaching degree. She hasn't been able to get health insurance for herself because she only works on a part-time basis as a substitute teacher and is planning to move out of state to find a teaching job. She said her partner and children were placed on Medicaid.

Arledge said gay people want to pay for their own health insurance benefits, and she can't understand why anyone would support a measure that might put more people on state-funded health insurance.

[...]

[jw]

Deb Price: Mich. court condones misleading ballot tactics

Link: Detroit News
by Deb Price

Excerpt:

When Michigan voters headed to the polls in 2004 to decide the fate of a proposed amendment to the state Constitution, they were told the following by its lead proponent:

"(This) has nothing to do with taking benefits away. This is about marriage between a man and a woman," said Marlene Elwell, campaign director of Citizens for the Protection of Marriage.

Citizens for the Protection of Marriage's Web site declared the group's purpose was "for defining marriage as the union of one man and one woman. Period."

And its brochure told voters: "This is not about rights or benefits or how people choose to live their life."

That sales pitch -- assuring voters that the ballot initiative was solely about limiting marriage to heterosexual couples -- reflected where voters stood. A poll by Lake Snell Perry found 70 percent of likely Michigan voters opposed banning domestic partnerships and civil unions, and two-thirds opposed banning public universities and cities from offering partner benefits.

However, Proposal 2 included language about not recognizing a "similar union for any purpose." After getting the proposal passed, Citizens for the Protection of Marriage turned around and argued the "marriage" amendment bans public employers from offering partner health benefits.

Sneaky? Yep. Deceptive? Yep.

And yet the Michigan Supreme Court outrageously ruled the amendment does bar such health benefits.

[...]

Since the anti-gay industry started trying to whip up folks about the supposed dangers posed by gay folks like me -- I'm blessed to be in a 23-year relationship with a woman I married the first chance I got in Canada in 2003 -- seven states have added marriage-only bans to their constitutions and 19 others have passed "marriage-plus" wording.

More fights are ahead: Florida votes this fall on a "marriage-plus" amendment. California voters likely will be asked whether to ban gay marriage. And Oregon voters may be asked whether to get rid of the new domestic partnership law.

Fortunately, the American Civil Liberties Union of Michigan is working with public employers to creatively redesign benefit programs so gay couples and their kids don't lose health insurance.

But the threats posed by this ruling remain very real. Even before the top court handed down that decision, a Michigan judge cited Proposal 2 in telling a lesbian in a custody fight over three children she legally adopted in Illinois with her ex-partner that she has no enforceable parenting rights in the state.

The Michigan Supreme Court's ruling is a damaging blow to the economically shaky state, not just gay couples.

Already, Lambda Legal, which recently created a "Safety Scale" of states as guidance for convention planners as well as gay couples planning to travel or relocate, put Michigan, once a leader on gay rights, in the worst class.

For those of us who care about Michigan, the damage this court ruling does to the state's reputation is, to put it mildly, discomforting.

[jw]

Sunday, May 11, 2008

Sweden: High court to rule on marriage dispute

Link: The Local

Excerpt:

A homosexual couple has taken the Swedish tax authority (Skatteverket) to court for registering their marriage in Canada as a partnership.

Lars Gårdfeldt and Lars Arnell, who are both priests in the Swedish church, allege discrimination.

"The tax authorities can make an exception for a marriage where one party is under-age but not for homosexuals," said Lars Gårdfeldt to Svenska Dagbladet.

Skatteverket confirms that it does make exceptions to Swedish law with regard to under-age couples legally married overseas. But only for marriages involving a man and woman.

The Supreme Administrative Court decided on Friday to try the case and rule on whether the Gothenburg couple should be registered as married.

[...]

[jw]

Friday, May 09, 2008

RI: Judge puts off same-sex divorce ruling

Link: The Providence Journal

Excerpt:

A judge yesterday said she needs to know more before deciding whether to ask the state Supreme Court if the Superior Court may grant Rhode Island’s first same-sex divorce.

In December, the Supreme Court ruled that Family Court lacked jurisdiction to grant a divorce to two Providence women — Margaret R. Chambers and Cassandra B. Ormiston — who married in Fall River in 2004, shortly after Massachusetts became the first state to issue marriage licenses to same-sex couples.

Now, Chambers wants the high court to determine whether Superior Court, the state’s main trial court, can dissolve the marriage.

During a hearing yesterday, Superior Court Judge Patricia A. Hurst asked both sides to submit legal memos and she scheduled another hearing for June 12. “You have caught me off guard with a one-page motion with no supporting memoranda, no analysis,” Hurst told Chambers’ lawyer, Louis M. Pulner.

But the judge did make some initial comments about Pulner’s motion, which seeks to certify the jurisdictional question to the Supreme Court.

“Superior Court does not have jurisdiction over divorce proceedings, so the question is whether Superior Court has jurisdiction over proceedings that resolve marital rights without calling it a divorce proceeding,” Hurst said. “Does the court have jurisdiction over two people who want to resolve property interests? That happens every day.”

But Pulner said Chambers and Cassandra B. Ormiston already have a Superior Court case over property interests.

What they want is a divorce and he argued that Superior Court does have jurisdiction to grant them a divorce.

Hurst suggested Pulner’s jurisdictional question should be posed to the Superior Court before it’s posed to the Supreme Court. But Pulner said he wanted to avoid “going through the discovery process and wasting the time and assets of the parties” when the Supreme Court is probably going to end up determining the outcome anyway. “I think it’s a question that needs to be answered before the litigation ensues,” he said.

Pulner noted he made a similar argument before Family Court certified a question asking whether it had jurisdiction to grant the divorce. At the time, Pulner said he wanted to avoid having Family Court grant a divorce — only to have the Supreme Court rule, years later in another case, that Family Court lacked jurisdiction.

Pulner now wants to pose this question to the Supreme Court: “May the Superior Court properly recognize, for the purpose of entertaining a divorce petition, the marriage of two persons of the same sex who were purportedly married in another state?”

Hurst said, “I think I’d frame it a bit differently.”

But the question is almost identical to the prior question; the only difference is that the words “Family Court” have been replaced with “Superior Court.” And Pulner said the prior question “was framed in that manner at the direction and specific request of the Supreme Court.”

[...]

But Ormiston said she doubts the couple will be allowed to divorce in Rhode Island. “When I started out, I was optimistic,” she said. “But now I’d be naïve to believe any court — Family Court, Superior Court or the Supreme Court — will recognize my valid marriage contract” for the purpose of granting a divorce.

Ormiston said her request for a divorce should not be viewed as an exception to a rule. “I am not an exception. I am a citizen who is being discriminated against by the courts,” she said. “A bigamist can get divorced. A criminal can get divorced. But this good citizen — who pays her taxes, votes and is a good neighbor — has no access to justice in the courts of Rhode Island.”

[jw]

MI: Opinion--The wrong kind of message

Link: The Morning Sun
by Eric Baerren, Sun Columnist

Excerpt:

Many of us remember 2004 as the year that presidential politics reached its low point. It was the year that the Swift Boat vets made the argument that it was more patriotic to avoid combat than it was to volunteer for it. It was also the year of Proposal 2.

Proposal 2 was the amendment to the state constitution that legally defined marriage as between a man and a woman. At the time, the argument was forwarded that it was an entirely pointless amendment, since state law already defined marriage. Undeterred, supporters first tried to get the thing through the state Legislature, and then took the opportunity to put it on the November ballot, a nice little wedge issue that nearly carried the state for George Bush.

You might, if your memory allows the recall of events from that period, that supporters of the ballot proposal said they weren’t concerned with same-sex partner benefits, but ensuring the sanctity of marriage. At a time with divorce rates hovering at the 50 percent mark, the real danger to marriage was the prospect that how it is represented in civic society might be broadened.

[...]

Here is the thing that concerns me. The state is currently trying to right its ship, economically speaking. It is hoping to become a center for research and development in clean energy and newer, more efficient automobiles. As a citizen of this state with a vested interest (my vested interest is currently in kindergarten), I hope that this state can succeed in doing that.

To do that, the state needs to do more than simply offer incentives to businesses to locate here. It also needs to recruit the raw materials necessary to make a go of it. That means attracting young, intelligent, educated, creative thinkers who will provide the chief raw materials - smarts - to make this happen.

That means convincing those same people that Michigan is preferable a place to live in than, say, Florida or California where people aren’t bundled up like the Michelin Man for half the year. It’s not an argument that we can win in terms of weather, so it’s something we need to win in other terms.

This brings us back to Proposal 2. We aren’t exactly in a position these days to be choosy about who helps us turn the state’s economy around. Sending a message that Michigan is a state that embraces intolerance not only turns away the object of our intolerance, which is bad enough, but also those who are sympathetic to them. Those happen to be the very same young, educated, creative thinkers who we think are necessary to provide the raw materials a knowledge-based economy requires.

The sad thing about Proposal 2 - well, one of the many sad things - is that ultimately it represents an attempt to hold back a river with a pair of hands. Society is changing, and the younger you are, the more likely you are going to be accepting of homosexuality. Eventually, the constitutional amendment that gave us Proposal 2 will wither, probably killed by federal action. The chance to do something creative - address people’s concerns about the institution of marriage while also expanding human liberty - will have passed. And, it won’t be the judiciary who comes off as arrogant; but those people who sought to address the problem by stuffing it back into the closet. They will also come off looking petty, small-minded and ultimately self-defeating.

Eric Baerren is a Morning Sun columnist. He can be found on the Internet at www.michiganliberal.com and www.baerrenblog.blogspot.com and can be reached at ebaerren@gmail.com

[jw]

MI: Constitutional amendment decision--Rewarding dishonesty in Lansing

Link: Detroit Free Press
by Brian Dickerson

Excerpt:

Lansing lawyer Eric Doster is a busy fellow.

Besides serving as corporate counsel to the state Republican Party and running for a seat on the state Court of Appeals, he represented the coalition of religious activists who led the successful crusade to ban same-sex marriage in Michigan.

According to the state Supreme Court's Republican majority, Doster is also a bit of a fibber.

In an opinion released Wednesday, five GOP justices say the language of the constitutional amendment voters adopted in 2004 clearly prohibits public employers from providing medical benefits for same-sex couples, and that Doster was obviously stretching the truth when he told the State Board of Canvassers at an August 2004 hearing that it wouldn't.

In his 34-page opinion, Justice Stephen Markman acknowledges that Doster, in his capacity as counsel to Citizens for the Protection of Marriage, "apparently asserted that the amendment would not prohibit public employers from providing health insurance benefits to domestic partners."

Markman also concedes that brochures distributed by Doster's client -- the group that drafted the amendment to ban gay marriage and collected the signatures that put it on the November 2004 ballot -- said exactly the same thing.

Everybody does it

But Markman and his colleagues say voters who took those assertions at face value were, well, idiots.

"Supporters of legislative and constitutional initiatives often tend to downplay the effect of such initiatives," Markman blithely observed in his opinion. If voters wanted to know what the gay marriage ban would really do, he added, they could have read "newspapers such as the Detroit Free Press," where columnists (including yours truly) repeatedly predicted that the proposed amendment would be invoked to bar health insurance benefits for gay families.

I'm touched by Markman's public acknowledgement that what appears in this column is more trustworthy than a Republican lawyer's representations to a state tribunal. I've often thought that myself.

But the mere fact that Doster and people like me were disputing what the gay-marriage ban would do right up to the eve of the 2004 election undercuts Markman's assertion that the language of the amendment was clear on its face.

[...]

The majority simply said that the language of the proposed amendment was so clear, so utterly lacking in ambiguity, that any voter (much less any lawyer) who read it could readily understand that its adoption would bar employers like Michigan State University and the City of Kalamazoo from providing health benefits to their employees' domestic partners.

But if the language was that clear, why did so many voters question its practical impact? If it was obvious to any literate voter that the amendment would prohibit public employers from offering health benefits to domestic partners, why did those who bankrolled the amendment's passage repeatedly deny that it would?

I know from my own e-mail correspondence that some clergymen relied on those dishonest representations to rally support for the gay-marriage ban. Recognizing that the denial of medical benefits for certain of God's children might be viewed as less than Christian, they assured their congregations that a vote for the gay-marriage ban would accomplish nothing so draconian.

Now the state Supreme Courts says pastors who spread such disinformation should have consulted the language of the amendment (or the Free Press) rather than the propaganda disseminated by the amendment's sponsors and their paid mouthpiece.

Dishonesty, after all, is the coin of Michigan's political realm.

And now, thanks to Markman and his colleagues, it enjoys the protection of Michigan's highest court.

[jw]

Thursday, May 08, 2008

After the primaries: LGBTs split in Indiana and North Carolina

Link: Windy City Times

Excerpt:
New differences on LGBT issues emerged between the two Democratic nominees during their primary-state battles in Indiana and North Carolina. And given that the contest for the Democratic presidential nomination has not yet produced a nominee, those differences could become the focus for LGBT voters who appear to be increasingly split between the two pro-gay candidates.

[...]

Previously, the only concrete policy difference between Obama and Clinton on gay issues has been that Obama said he would seek repeal of the entire Defense of Marriage Act ( DOMA ) and Clinton would repeal only part. But in response to a question from six LGBT publications in Indiana this month, Obama elaborated, saying “We are going to have to have a national conversation” on the issue and must “ensure” the American public “that, as a matter of well-settled law, no state will be required to recognize another state's marriage if DOMA is repealed.”

Two prominent gay legal experts, Chai Feldblum and Evan Wolfson, were mixed on their assessment of whether that is, in fact, “well-settled law.” Wolfson said “No, it is an open question as yet unresolved by the U.S. Supreme Court.” Feldblum said she thinks it's “well-settled enough” to persuade Congress that the states “don't need a law like DOMA to shield states from having to do such recognition.”

[...]

[jw]

Michigan ruling stirs same-sex advocates in Florida

Link: Miami Herald

Excerpt:

A Michigan Supreme Court ruling -- that the state's law banning gay marriage also prohibits same-sex benefits offered to government employees -- is energizing opponents of a similar amendment on Florida's November ballot.

Though the wording of Michigan's same-sex marriage ban is not identical to the proposed Amendment 2 facing Florida voters in November, opponents say it will pave the way for the same ban on domestic-partnership benefits.

''We have been clear and consistent that a court could rule this amendment could take away existing rights and benefits,'' said Derek Newton, campaign manager for Florida Red and Blue, the organization running the SayNo2 Campaign. "The other side has denied that, and today the Michigan Supreme Court said a similar amendment in Michigan does in fact take away existing benefits and protections from people.''

[...]

[jw]

NY: Editorial--"N.Y. lawmakers must resolve same-sex marriage question"

Link: Rochester Democrat and Chronicle

The state Court of Appeals has tossed the volatile issue of same-sex marriage back to the lower courts and, consequently, to Monroe County, which now must decide whether to continue an increasingly costly legal fight.

Until the state's highest court decides, there will be no definitive clarity on the question whether local governments, under existing law, must recognize same-sex marriages, which are only allowed in a few states or countries.

But the real battleground for this issue should be the state Legislature, which eventually must decide not only how to deal with same-sex unions but also whether to accept what other governments have done on the issue. Until that happens, the onus will fall on local governments and aggrieved citizens to interpret conflicting law and practice.

In this instance, the county declined to grant spousal benefits to the female partner of a woman employed at Monroe Community College. The county has reasonably argued that it followed state law, which doesn't recognize same-sex marriages. The couple said that position abandons a long-standing practice in New York to accept valid marriages conducted in other states or countries.

Lawmakers who temporize on an issue usually don't get much sympathy from this page. But this obviously is a difficult matter involving religion and morality as well as fairness and tolerance.

Other states wanting either to ban or allow same-sex marriages have sought a public vote, and that may well be the path for New York.
But it's important for Gov. Paterson and the Legislature to forge their own course and not wait for the courts to dictate play.

As often happens, indecision at the top causes grief down the line. Monroe County and the two plaintiffs in this case are carrying a weight that the Legislature thus far has declined to lift.

[jw]

Wednesday, May 07, 2008

Art Leonard: Michigan Supreme Court Rules Marriage Amendment Bars Partner Benefits

Link: Leonard Link
by Arthur S. Leonard

Full text by permission.

The Michigan Supreme Court ruled on May 7 by a vote of 5-2 that the state constitutional amendment against same-sex marriage approved by Michigan voters on November 2, 2004, makes it illegal for public employers in that state to provide health insurance benefits to domestic partners of their employees. The dissenting judges angrily charged that "the majority condones and even encourages the use of misleading tactics in ballot campaigns," as the proponents of the amendment had repeatedly stated verbally and in print that the purpose of the amendment was not to take benefits away from anybody. National Pride at Work v. Governor of Michigan, Nos. 133429 & 133554.

[Note: At time of posting, the opinion had not yet been posted on the court’s website, or added to the westlaw or lexis databases, but a copy could be obtained through a link on the press release issued by the ACLU of Michigan, which represents the plaintiffs.]

At the time of the vote, several public employers in the state, including state universities and several city and county governments, were providing benefits to same-sex partners, and a union representing state workers was negotiating over such benefits with the Office of State Employer. The proposed amendment, as it appeared on the ballot, stated that "the union of one man and one woman in marriage shall be the only agreement recognized as a marriage or similar union for any purpose." Preliminary language indicated that the purpose of the amendment was to reserve the "benefits of marriage" to different-sex couples. Because of the existing domestic partner benefits plans, the union negotiations, and the perceived lack of clarity in the amendment’s language, the question whether the amendment would ban such benefits was much discussed.

Justice Marilyn Kelly’s dissenting opinion relates that the representative for the Citizens for Protection of Marriage Committee (CPM), the originator of the amendment, testified at the public certification hearing before the Board of State Canvassers in August 2004 that the amendment would not bar such benefits. Attorney Eric E. Doster told the Board, "An employer, as a matter of contract between employer and employee, can offer benefits to whomever the employer wants to. And if it wants to be my spouse, if it wants to be my domestic partner – however that’s defined under the times of your contract, or my cat, the employer can do that."

The campaign director of CPM was quoted in USA Today stating that "this has nothing to do with taking benefits away," and the organization’s communications director told local newspapers that "this Amendment has nothing to do with benefits. . . It’s just a diversion from the real issue." CPM also distributed a brochure, stating, "This is not about rights or benefits or how people choose to live their life."

Public opinion polls taken during the campaign showed that while a majority of Michigan voters wanted to ban same-sex marriages, an even steeper majority opposed banning domestic partnership benefits.

On the other side of this issue, Justice Stephen J. Markman’s opinion for the court points out that the state’s civil service commission issued a statement during the campaign warning that "if passed, Proposal 2 would result in fewer rights and benefits for unmarried couples, both same-sex and heterosexual, by banning civil unions and overturning existing domestic partnerships. Banning domestic partnerships would cause many Michigan families to lose benefits such as health and life insurance, pensions, and hospital visitation rights."

Commenting on the diversity of views,. Markman observes that "supporters of legislative and constitutional initiatives often tend to downplay the effect of such initiatives during public debate, while opponents tend to overstate their effect."

After the measure passed, there was a quick rush to determine whether it would affect partner benefits plans, not least because the union and the state had tentatively agreed to extend such benefits to public employees. The Attorney General, Mike Cox, quickly issued an opinion stating that partner benefits for public employees were prohibited by the amendment, and a group of Michiganders, under the banner of National Pride at Work, filed their lawsuit, represented by the ACLU of Michigan, arguing that the ambiguous language of the amendment should be interpreted in line with what its proponents had said during the campaign. Governor Jennifer Granholm, who supports domestic partnership benefits, disavowed the Attorney General’s motion to dismiss the case, and retained separate counsel to file a brief on the side of the plaintiffs, even though she is named as the defendant.

The plaintiffs persuaded the trial judge that the amendment does not ban the benefits, but the state’s court of appeals reversed in February 2007, holding that the language of the amendment clearly ruled out partner benefits.

Justice Markman evoked one of the central rules of interpreting constitutional and statutory provisions, that only if the constitutional language is itself ambiguous does one consult the "legislative history" to try to determine its meaning. In this case, said Markman, it was the intent of the voters, not the intent of the drafters or proponents, that should count. But the various arguments quoted by the dissenters struck the majority of the court as irrelevant because, according to Markman, the language of the measure is clear and can be interpreted without reference to legislative history.

The plaintiffs had successfully argued to the trial court that because of the many differences between legal marriage and the limited recognition of partnerships for purposes of health insurance benefits, the two could not be deemed "similar," but the Supreme Court majority disagreed. "A union does not have to possess _all_ the same legal rights and responsibilities that result from a marriage in order to constitute a union ‘similar’ to that of marriage," wrote Markman. "If the marriage amendment were construed to prohibit only the recognition of a union that possesses legal rights and responsibilities identical to those that result from a marriage, the language ‘or similar union’ would be rendered meaningless, and an interpretation that renders language meaningless must be avoided."

Markman pointed out that there were two central features common to marriage and domestic partnerships, as they are defined by the various Michigan public employers who were providing benefits. One was that they "require the partners to be of a certain sex," and the other that they require that the parties "not be closely related by blood." "Although there are, of course, many different types of relationships in Michigan that are accorded legal significance – e.g., debtor-creditor, parent-child, landlord-tenant, attorney-client, employer-employee – marriages and domestic partnerships appear to be the only such relationships that are defined in terms of _both_ gender and the lack of a close blood connection."

Referring to a dictionary definition of "similar" as "having qualities in common," Markman continued, "Marriages and domestic partnerships share two obviously important, and apparently unique (at least in combination), qualities in common. Because marriages and domestic partnerships share these ‘similar’ qualities, we believe that it can fairly be said that they ‘resemble’ one another ‘in a general way,’" thus meeting the dictionary definition of being "similar."

Markman also said that when an employer extends benefits based on the existence of such a union, it is recognizing the union, and that because the various entities that were providing such benefits required that the parties have a domestic partnership agreement or that they have "agreed" to be mutually responsible for each other’s welfare, the constitutional language about "recognizing" an "agreement" as a "similar union" was met. From there, Markman emphasized that the constitutional provision forbids such recognition for "any purpose," leading to his conclusion that the language forbids recognizing such unions for the purpose of providing benefits.

The court found irrelevant the long string of cases decided in other jurisdictions that have found anti-marriage amendments do not ban partnership benefits, because Michigan’s constitutional wording is unique. When the measure was passed, commentators observed that it seemed to be among the most far-reaching state marriage bans, precisely because of the "similar union" and "any other purpose" phrases.

"The trial court held that providing health-insurance benefits to domestic partners does not violate the marriage amendment because public employers are not recognizing domestic partnerships as unions similar to marriage, given the significant distinctions between the legal effects accorded to these two unions," concluded Markman. "However, given that the marriage amendment prohibits the recognition of unions similar to marriage ‘for any purpose,’ the pertinent question is not whether these unions give rise to all of the same legal effects; rather, it is whether these unions are being recognized as unions similar to marriage ‘for any purpose.’"

The dissent strongly disagreed with the majority that the language was unambiguous, noting the differences of opinion voiced during the election campaign, and insisting that "the language of the amendment itself prohibits nothing more than the recognition of same-sex marriages or similar unions. It is a perversion of the amendment’s language to conclude that, by voluntarily offering the benefits at issue, a public employer recognizes a union similar to marriage," wrote Justice Kelly, because domestic partnerships are not, in her view, similar to marriage, in that they carry with them none of the benefits of marriage.

As had the trial court, Kelly pointed out that health insurance is not a benefit of marriage, but rather a benefit of employment. One does not automatically qualify for benefits upon getting married, but rather one qualifies for benefits by marrying somebody whose employer has agreed to provide benefits to the partners of its employees. More significantly, as the majority insisted that the question of intent focused on the voters, not the proponents of the amendment, Kelly argued that the public opinion polls showed that the voters were opposed to banning domestic partnership benefits, and thus must have believed the proponents’ assurances that the amendment would not prohibit such benefits. Kelly pointed out that the expressed intent of the amendment was to reserve the "benefits of marriage" for different-sex couples, but because partnership benefits are not a "benefit of marriage" provided by the state, she found it consistent with the amendment to allow public employers to provide the benefits.

Kelley argued that for a domestic partnership to be "similar" to a marriage, it should carry the legal benefits of marriage, and she labeled as "preposterous" the majority’s use of the phrase "for any purpose" to modify the word "similar," claiming that this "distorts" the language of the amendment.

Justice Michael F. Cavanagh joined Justice’s Kelly’s dissenting opinion.

Because the Michigan Supreme Court, the state’s highest court, is the authoritative interpreter of the state’s constitution, there is no appeal from this ruling to the United States Supreme Court as to the interpretation of the marriage amendment.

[jw]

CO: Lesbian couple guilty of trespassing

Link: Denver Post

Excerpt:

image

Sheila Schroeder, bottom right, and her partner Kate Burns sat in front of the marriage license counter after the rejection of their application at the Wellington Webb building in September. (THE DENVER POST | Hyoung Chang)

 

A lesbian couple who staged a sit-in at the Denver Clerk and Recorder's Office after being denied a marriage license was found guilty today of trespassing.

Within minutes of the verdict by an all-woman Denver County Court jury, Judge James Breese sentenced Kate Burns and Sheila Schroeder to 28 hours of community service each and ordered each to pay $41 in court costs.

Breese said he was imposing no jail time because the women conducted themselves in a "rational and calm" manner when they sought the marriage license last fall and during the sit-in after it was refused.

During their testimony today, both women said their reason for seeking the marriage license was their deep love for each other and their religious beliefs.

The sit-in, they said, was to show that they and other committed gay and lesbian couples believe that Amendment 43, passed by 56 percent of Colorado voters in 2006, is unconstitutional.

Amendment 43 defines marriage as a union between a man and a woman.

"I love Sheila Schroeder with all my heart," said Burns, adding: "Sheila and I are people of faith."

[...]

The women and their lawyer, Mari Newman, said that what the couple was trying to accomplish is the repudiation of laws that limit marriage to heterosexual couples.

But during the trial, Assistant City Attorney Chris Gaddis told the jury to focus on the charge — trespassing — and not on the women's argument that they were trying to change an unjust law.

He said both refused to leave when asked politely by the staff of the Clerk and Recorder's Office and Denver police officers. The police had been told by the women that they planned a peaceful sit-in if the license was refused.

"There are other steps, other avenues, you can use if you want to change the law," said Gaddis. "The system works, the country works, because everyone follows the law."

After the verdict, which was returned after an hour's deliberation, the Englewood couple said they would continue to fight Amendment 43.

"We are talking about hundreds of thousands of people who want to see it changed," said Schroeder.

Added Burns: "We need full marriage equality in Colorado."

[jw]

CA: Putative Spouse Doctrine Applies to Domestic Partners [with update from Art Leonard]

Link: Metropolitan News-Enterprise

Excerpt:

The equitable putative spouse doctrine extends to domestic partnerships, the Fourth District Court of Appeal said yesterday.

Reversing the trial court’s dismissal of a petition for dissolution of a domestic partnership, Div. Three held that a person’s reasonable good faith belief that his domestic partnership was validly registered entitles that person to the rights and responsibilities of a registered domestic partner, even if the registration never took place.

Darrin Ellis and David James Arriaga signed a declaration of domestic partnership and had it notarized, however the declaration was never filed with the Secretary of State. When Ellis filed a petition for the dissolution of the domestic partnership three years later, Arriaga contended that no domestic partnership had ever been formed.

Orange Superior Court Judge Mark Millard agreed, concluding that putative status was unavailable to unregistered domestic partners, and granted Arriaga’s motion to dismiss.

Writing for the appellate court, however, Justice Richard D. Fybel reasoned that the Domestic Partner Act required the court to liberally interpret the act’s reach so that registered domestic partners have the same rights, protections and benefits under the law as spouses.

Because the putative spouse doctrine is not a right or obligation accorded by federal law, the California Constitution, or voter initiative—the only three exceptions to the rule that domestic partners have the same rights and burdens as married persons—it is not excluded from the rights granted and obligations imposed under the Domestic Partner Act, Fybel reasoned.

“There is no sound reason under California statutory law to deprive domestic partners of the rights granted to registered domestic partners if they reasonably believed they were so registered,” the justice insisted.

[...]

The case is In re Domestic Partnership of Ellis and Arriaga, 08 S.O.S. 2687.

More, from Arthur S. Leonard on Leonard Link:

Full text by permission.

A unanimous three-judge panel of the California Court of Appeal ruled on May 6 that when the legislature amended the state’s Domestic Partner Act to extend to registered partners virtually all the state law rights of married couples, it also extended to them the protection of the "putative spouse" doctrine, under which somebody who reasonably believes that they have a valid marriage will be treated as married by the courts. Ellis v. Arriaga, 2008 Westlaw 1946745 (4th Dist. Ct. App., Div. 3).

Reversing a lower court ruling that had dismissed Darrin Ellis’s petition to dissolve his domestic partnership with David Arriaga, the appellate court found that if Ellis had reasonably relied on Arriaga’s promise to mail their executed partnership declaration to the Secretary of State for filing, then he could have access to the court procedures for dissolving the relationship, even though Arriaga never acted on his promise to mail the form.

Due to the way the case come up the appellate court, as an appeal of a dismissal by the trial court, the facts have not been fully developed, and are only sketchily described in the opinion for the court by Justice Richard Fybel. However, according to the brief filed with court on behalf of Ellis by Lambda Legal, Ellis and Arriaga differ about the facts, with Arriaga claiming that Ellis knew that their partnership declaration had never been submitted to the state for filing. That is irrelevant at this stage of the litigation, which focused solely on the legal question of whether Ellis could have access to the partnership dissolution process, under which the court will distribute the community property assets (including both real estate and personal property) of the relationship, without the form having actually been filed.

Arriaga filed a motion to dismiss the case in response to Ellis’s petition to initiate the dissolution proceeding on September 8, 2006. Ellis alleged that the parties had signed and notarized their declaration of domestic partnership on August 14, 2003, when they have been living together as partners for about two years, and that after they signed the papers in their lawyer’s office, Arriaga had undertaken to mail the papers to the California Secretary of State’s office for registration and filing. Arriaga argued that the dissolution process is made available under the statute to "registered domestic partners," so the court must dismiss Ellis’s petition because their partnership had never been registered. Orange County Superior Court Judge Mark Millard dismissed Ellis’s petition, finding that Ellis could not access the dissolution procedures in the absence of a registered domestic partnership.

In his opinion for the court, Justice Fybel reviewed the history of the putative spouse doctrine, which was first developed by the courts and later codified in a state statute. The doctrine was developed by the courts mainly to protect women who had been led to believe that they were lawfully married but then discovered, either upon the death of their husband or some other event where the legality of their marriage was relevant, that the marriage was void, sometimes because their husband was still legally married to a prior spouse. Fybel then reviewed the history of the Domestic Partner Act, noting particularly the legislature’s stated intent to confer on domestic partners the same California state law rights that are enjoyed by married couples.

"Given the intended reach of the Domestic Partner Act, we conclude that a person with a reasonable, good faith belief in the validity of his or her registered domestic partnership is similarly entitled to protection as a putative registered domestic partner, even if the domestic partnership was not properly registered," wrote Fybel. "The whole point of the putative spouse doctrine is to protect those whose marriage was not or could not be properly formalized, or was void, voidable, or otherwise invalid," Fybel continued. "The Domestic Partner Act was intended by the Legislature to extend to registered domestic partners the legal rights and responsibilities held by married couples to the extent permitted by law. The putative spouse doctrine is not a right or obligation accorded by federal law, the California Constitution, or voter initiative, and therefore is not excluded from the rights granted to registered domestic partners if they reasonably believed they were so registered."

The court did have one barrier to overcome in reaching this conclusion, Velez v. Smith, 142 Cal.App.4th 1154 (2006), in which another panel of the Court of Appeal held that the putative spouse doctrine could not be used by domestic partners. A lesbian couple had registered as partners back in the 1990s under San Francisco’s city domestic partnership ordinance. Before the state’s law went into effect in its current form on January 1, 2005, one of the women had filed a notice to dissolve their San Francisco partnership. Then, after the state law went into effect, the partner seeking dissolution filed a new petition in state court, seeking to make use of the new state procedures for dissolving domestic partnerships. In its decision finding no jurisdiction over the dissolution petition, the court of appeal rejected the application of the putative spouse doctrine on those facts, stating along the way that the state’s Domestic Partner Act did not include the putative spouse doctrine.

"To the extent Velez is inconsistent with our conclusion, we respectfully disagree with its conclusion regarding putative domestic partnerships," wrote Justice Fybel. "The court in Velez stated that if the Legislature had intended the putative spouse doctrine to apply to registered domestic partnerships, it would have expressly said so. .. However, the Domestic Partner Act was specifically designed by the Legislature to make the rights and responsibilities of registered domestic partners as similar to the rights and responsibilities of married couples as permissible under California law, without actually recognizing a right of gay and lesbian couples to marry. The Domestic Partner Act marked a sea change in the manner by which rights were extended by law to registered domestic partners."

This "sea change" was that in prior versions of the state law, partner had a short list of state law rights, but when the law was amended to its current form, the legislature abandoned the list approach and instead stated that partners should have the same state law rights (with a few noted exceptions) as married couples. Since married couples in California benefit from the putative spouse doctrine, the court of appeal concluded that domestic partners were entitled to this state law right as well.

Lambda Legal attorneys Tara L. Borelli and Jennifer C. Pizer represented Ellis on the appeal, which was not formally opposed by Arriaga. The Attorney General’s office appeared as friend of the court in support of Ellis’s appeal.

 

[jw]

In trespass trial, gay couple rips law banning their marriage

Link: The Rocky Mountain News

Excerpt:

image

Kate Burns, left, and Sheila Schroeder appear in Denver County Court on Tuesday. They are on trial for trespassing for refusing to leave the Denver County clerk's office in September after being denied an application for a marriage license. (George Kochaniec Jr. / The Rocky)

 

It's just a trial for trespassing.

But the defense attorney for Kate Burns and Sheila Schroeder seized every chance she could Tuesday to criticize the Colorado law that bans gay marriage.

The two were arrested on trespassing charges Sept. 24 when they refused to leave the Denver County clerk's office after being denied an application for a marriage license.

"These are two courageous women who stood up for their love and to speak out about a law that's unfair," said attorney Mari Newman, adding that just 40 years ago, it was illegal for people of different races to marry.

That prompted one of many objections by city attorneys and a clarification by Denver County Judge James Breese.

"This is a trespass charge," he told the six-woman jury. "Whether the law is a good law is not an issue in this case."

Lawyers for the couple challenged the consitutionality of Amendment 43, the voter-approved ballot measure that defines marriage in Colorado as the union of one man and one woman, but Breese said he could not decide that issue.

Schroeder testified that she she was somewhat afraid of getting arrested, but thought the Denver clerk might give them a license despite the law, as has happened in other states.

"It was important to get married because I love Kate Burns very much and I want that love to be honored in full view of the state and the country that I love," she said.

Once they were denied the license, Schroeder said they decided to engage in civil disobedience. They sat down, holding hands and the bouquets of flowers they brought in hopes of getting a marriage license.

"We sat down in front of the counter supported by our tax dollars that wasn't serving us that day," she said.

[...]

[jw]

Michigan marriage ban affects partner benefits, court rules

Link: Detroit Free Press

Excerpt:
An amendment to the state constitution approved by voters in 2004 to define marriage as the union of one man and one woman also prohibits public employers from providing health care and other benefits to the same sex partners of employees, a divided Michigan Supreme Court ruled today.

The court majority found that language in the amendment prohibiting recognition of other unions “for any purpose” included the extension of benefits to gay and lesbian partners of public employees. Several Michigan universities, including U-M and MSU, along with various municipal and school employers had offered the benefits as a means of attracting workers.

In the wake of voter approval of the amendment and questions about its effect on benefits, several had moved to alternative benefit policies.

[...]

[jw]

Tuesday, May 06, 2008

Art Leonard: North Carolina Appeals Court Upholds Joint Custody Award to Former Lesbian Partners

Link: Leonard Link
by Arthur S. Leonard

Full text by permission.

In a case of first impression for North Carolina, on May 6 the state’s court of appeals upheld a decision by Durham County District Judge Ann McKown to award joint custody of a child to Joellen Mason and Irene Dwinnell, former lesbian partners. McKown found that Dwinnell, the birth mother of a boy conceived through anonymous donor insemination, had willingly created a de facto parent status for Mason that she could not unilaterally dissolve when the women ended their partnership. Mason v. Dwinnell, 2008 Westlaw 1944823.

Mason and Dwinnell lived as domestic partners for eight years. After deciding that they wanted to raise a child together, they held a commitment ceremony, researched their options for conceiving a child, and jointly decided that Dwinnell would bear a child through donor insemination that they would then raise together as a family. They sought an anonymous sperm donor who had physical characteristics resembling Mason, and Mason fully participated in the process, attending Dwinnell’s insemination sessions and, after she became pregnant, the prenatal care appointments, hospital sessions and childbirth classes.

Mason attended their son’s birth and cut the umbilical cord. They gave the child the combined surname of Mason Dwinnell on his birth certificate, but only Dwinnell was listed as a parent because the hospital refused to list both women. However, they jointly agreed on naming of godparents, held a baptismal ceremony at which they held themselves out as the parents of the child, involved Mason’s parents as grandparents, and raised the child together as a family. On school forms and other papers, Dwinnell named Mason as the second parent.

When the child was three years old, in 2000, they signed a parenting agreement drafted by an attorney, in which they agreed that both of them were parents with equal parental rights. Dwinnell also executed a health care power of attorney authorizing Mason to approve medical care for the child, and they jointly agreed on his education in a private school. Mason was providing most of the financial support, and Dwinnell agreed that Mason would be able to take the dependent deductions for the child on her income tax.

Just a year later, however, they stopped living together, with Mason moving one block away. Over the next three years, they continued to share parenting responsibilities, with their son moving back and forth for overnights. Beginning early in 2003, they settled into a regular custody rotation, but early in 2004, Dwinnell unilaterally changed the schedule to cut down Mason’s parenting time, and as Mason saw her time with the child diminish, she filed a complaint in court seeking custody in October 2004. Dwinnell moved to dismiss the case, but the court rejected this motion, instead granting temporary joint legal and physical custody requiring that the child spend equal time with each party, pending the outcome of a trial on the merits.

After trial, on June 1, 2006, Judge McKown issued a permanent custody order, finding that Dwinnell "encouraged, fostered, and facilitated the emotional and psychological bond between the minor child and Mason," and that "throughout the child’s life, Mason has provided care for him, financially supported him, and been an integral part of his life such that the child has benefited from her love and affection, caretaking, emotional and financial support, guidance, and decision-making."

Based on these findings, McKown concluded that Dwinnell had waived her constitutional rights to exclude Mason, and that it was in the best interest of the child for Mason to continue to have equal parental rights of custody and visitation.

Affirming this ruling, the court of appeals emphasized that the sexual orientation of the parents had nothing to do with the case. Rather, and refreshingly, the court insisted that it was just applying the developing North Carolina law concerning the parental status of "third parties" who have been treated as de facto parents with the encouragement and consent of a child’s legal parent.

Writing for a unanimous three-judge panel, Judge Martha A. Geer also made clear that this was not a case of the court "enforcing" the parenting agreement that the women had signed when their child was three. Rather, she said, the court looked to the agreement as evidence of their intention that Mason play a permanent parenting role for the child, reinforcing the factual conclusions that Judge McKown had reached based on all the circumstances.

Normally, a birth or adoptive parent has a "constitutionally-protected paramount interest in the companionship, custody, care, and control of her child," but North Carolina courts recognize that when a parent’s conduct is "inconsistent" with this "paramount interest," it is appropriate to consider the "best interest of the child" in a custody contest involving a legal parent and a de facto parent such as Mason.

Although Judge McKown had also used the legal doctrine of parent by estoppel, under which a party is precluded from asserting a position that contradicts her past conduct, to reinforce her ruling, the court of appeals found this unnecessary, stating that it was declining to address the "doctrine of parent by estoppel adopted in other jurisdictions."

The court found persuasive a similar ruling by the New Jersey Supreme Court, V.C. v. M.J.B., 748 A.2d 539 (N.J.), cert. denied, 531 U.S. 926 (2000), which it quoted extensively, stating, "We stress that the cases that we have cited from other jurisdictions have each applied, as we do, a test applicable generally to third parties seeking custody of a child contrary to the wishes of the legal parent."

"We conclude that the district court’s findings of fact establish that Dwinnell, after choosing to forego as to Mason her constitutionally-protected parental rights, cannot now assert those rights in order to unilaterally alter the relationship between her child and the person whom she transformed into a parent. Her choice does not mean that Mason is entitled to the rights of a legal parent, but only that a trial court may apply the ‘best interest of the child’ standard in considering Mason’s request for custody, including visitation." In this connection, the court rejected Dwinnell’s argument that a judicial finding that she was an unfit parent would have to be a prerequisite to granting custody to Mason.

Judge Geer also wrote that the court was not creating some sort of "bright line test" or per se rule to govern these sorts of cases, but was rather focused on the particular facts of the case to determine whether the legal parent, Dwinnell, had effectively consented through her conduct to Mason becoming the de facto parent of her child, creating the kind of parental bond whose breaking would be detrimental to the child.

"Although this appeal arises in the context of a same-sex domestic partnership," wrote Judge Geer, "it involves only the constitutional standards applicable to all custody disputes between legal parents and third parties. We simply apply the law as set forth by our Supreme Court in Price [v. Howard, 484 S.E.2d 528 (N.C. 1997), a case that involved a stepfather seeking custody after divorcing the child’s mother], consistent with the holdings of the United States Supreme Court. Courts do not violate a parent’s constitutionally-protected interest by respecting the parent-child relationships that the legal parent – in accordance with her constitutional rights – voluntarily chose to create." The U.S. Supreme Court reference was primarily to Troxel v. Granville, 530 U.S. 57 (2000), a grandparent visitation case in which the Court struck down a state law that allowed anybody, regardless of past relationship to a child, to file an action seeking custody, and apparently authorized courts to award custody or visitation over the protest of a legal parent merely on a best interest finding, without giving any particular significance to the substantive due process rights of the legal parent.

Despite the court’s disclaimer, it is significant that the court decided to treat this case as no different from any other case involving a custody dispute between a legal parent and a de facto parent, given the long history of adverse treatment suffered by lesbian or gay co-parents in many state courts. This ruling is, for example, sharply different from the contrary approach that the New York Court of Appeals took in a similar case, Alison D. v. Virginia M., 572 N.E.2d 27 (N.Y. 1991), still the controlling precedent in New York. In that case, the New York court treated the lesbian co-parent as a "legal stranger" to the child who lacked standing to get a hearing on the merits of her claim, even though the couple had planned together for the child’s birth and raised it jointly until they split up.

[jw]

NY High Court Refuses Gay Marriage Case [UPDATE: with clarification from Art Leonard]

Link: Gay News From 365Gay.com

Excerpt:

The Court of Appeals, the highest court in New York State, Tuesday declined to hear a case challenging an appeals court ruling that found the marriages of same-sex couples married in jurisdictions where they are legal must be recognized in New York.

The decision not to accept the case means the lower court ruling will stand.

On February 1 the Appellate Division of state Supreme Court reversed a judge's ruling in 2006 that Monroe Community College did not have to extend health benefits to an employee's lesbian partner. (story)

Patricia Martinez, a word processing supervisor, sued the school in 2005, arguing that it granted benefits to heterosexual married couples but denied them to Martinez and her partner, Lisa Ann Golden.

The couple formalized their relationship in a civil union ceremony in Vermont in 2001 and were married in Canada in 2004.

The college refused to add Golden to the health care benefits because its contract with the Civil Service Employees Association did not address benefits for same-sex partners. Since then, the contract has been enhanced to extend benefits to an employee's domestic partner.

[...]

Monroe County asked the high court to overturn the appellate court ruling.

Empire State Pride Agenda, the largest LGBT rights group in New York State welcomed the decision not to reopen the case, and prodded the legislature to pass marriage equality legislation for all New Yorkers.

"Despite today's good news, the state of marriage for same-sex couples in New York is still unsettled," said Empire State Pride Agenda Executive Director Alan Van Capelle.

"Until a law is passed by the New York State Legislature, there will always be the possibility that another court decision could undo Martinez v. County of Monroe and strip away from otherwise legally married same-sex couples all of the 1324 state-based rights and responsibilities that come with a marriage license in New York."

In 2006 the New York Court of Appeals, the state's highest court, ruled that same-sex couples do not have an automatic constitutional right to marry in the state. (story) It said that the issue, however, could be taken up by the Legislature.

Last June the Democratically-controlled New York State Assembly passed same-sex marriage legislation (story) but the GOP-controlled Senate has refused to take up the bill.

More, from Art Leonard:

NY Court of Appeals Defers Ruling on Marriage Recognition Case

Monroe County’s hasty attempt to appeal the decision in Martinez v. County of Monroe, 850 N.Y.S.2d 740 (4th Dept. February 1, 2008), to the New York Court of Appeals was dismissed on May 6, on the ground that the Appellate Division’s ruling was not an appealable final order in the case.

The Appellate Division held, in an interlocutory ruling, that Monroe Community College had to treat the plaintiffs, a same-sex couple who married in Canada, as married for purposes of the college’s employee benefits program, and remanded for a determination by the trial court of the appropriate remedial order in the case.

In an informal communication to the press, correcting inaccurate spin put out by gay rights groups early on May 6 that the court had "affirmed" the 4th Department’s ruling, the court’s clerk clarified that the issue of damages had to be resolved by the trial court before a final order could issue, which would then be subject to appeal by Monroe County.

The result is that because no other department of the Appellate Division has yet ruled on the question, Martinez remains an intermediate appellate precedent of statewide effect, binding on all the trial courts of the state for a while longer.

[jw]

Monday, May 05, 2008

Israel: Court turns down restraining order against gay partner

Link: Ha'aretz

Excerpt:

A Family Court judge in Ramat Gan turned down a request by a man for a restraining order against a former male partner on the grounds that Israel's family and domestic violence laws do not apply to homosexual partnerships.

The complainant told the court that the former lover, a younger man who had lived in his Ramat Gan home with him for two years, was abusing him psychologically. 

He argued that as common-law partner he was entitled to the protection of the family court. 

His former partner, however, refused to acknowledge the common-law status, arguing that he had never changed his permanent address nor did he contribute financially to the upkeep of the household.

[...]

The complainant claimed that his former lover's behavior constituted harassment and abuse because it undermined his social status and his workplace status as well as harming his children and current partner.

But the judge, Dr. Gershon German, ruled that the request does not meet the criteria of the law because the parties do not meet the requirements for family members or for common-law spouses.

[jw]

Friday, May 02, 2008

RI: Same-sex divorce case takes a new turn

Link: The Providence Journal

Excerpt:

While the state Supreme Court has said she can’t get divorced in Family Court, one of the women seeking Rhode Island’s first same-sex divorce wants the high court to weigh in on whether another state court — Superior Court — can dissolve her marriage.

Margaret R. Chambers and Cassandra B. Ormiston married in Fall River in 2004, shortly after Massachusetts became the first state to issue marriage licenses to same-sex couples.

The Providence couple sought a divorce in Rhode Island Family Court in 2006. But in a December 2007 decision that drew national attention, a divided Supreme Court ruled that Family Court lacked jurisdiction to grant the divorce. The majority opinion said that under the law allowing Family Court to handle divorces, the word “marriage” means just one thing: the union of a man and a woman.

Last week, a lawyer representing Chambers filed a motion asking Superior Court to pose a different question to the Supreme Court: “May the Superior Court properly recognize, for the purpose of entertaining a divorce petition, the marriage of two persons of the same sex who were purportedly married in another state?”

That question “is one of extreme public importance, which is capable of repetition but will evade review unless decided by the Supreme Court,” the motion said.

Chambers’ lawyer, Louis M. Pulner, said in an interview that the December decision was based on the Supreme Court’s interpretation of the 1961 statute that created Family Court, but there would be no such statute to analyze in determining if the Superior Court can grant the divorce.

Superior Court, the state’s main trial court, has broader jurisdiction than Family Court, and it handled all divorces before Family Court was created, Pulner said. “So I’m going back to the court of original jurisdiction,” he said.

[...]

[jw]

Wednesday, April 30, 2008

Exploring the Impact of the Marriage Amendments: Can Public Employers Offer Domestic Partner Benefits to Their Gay and Lesbian Employees?

Link: SSRN

Graham, Tiffany C. , "Exploring the Impact of the Marriage Amendments: Can Public Employers Offer Domestic Partner Benefits to Their Gay and Lesbian Employees?" (April 2008). Villanova Law/Public Policy Research Paper No. 2008-14 Available at SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1126733

Abstract:

The article focuses on an issue that is shaping up to be the new front in the same-sex marriage wars: whether applying the terms of the more broadly-constructed amendments to public employers will bar them from offering domestic partner benefits to their gay and lesbian employees. The first part of the article offers an overview of domestic partner benefits plans and discusses the manner in which they are currently being threatened by the more broadly-constructed marriage amendments. The second part takes a close look at the litigation in National Pride at Work v. Michigan. This case represents the first time that a state court of last resort has agreed to consider the scope of a public employer's authority to offer domestic partner benefits to its gay and lesbian employees when the marriage amendment in the state may preclude the employer from doing so. The litigation in National Pride at Work illustrates the interpretive difficulties that may arise when public employers in these states condition the receipt of partner benefits on the existence of the gay or lesbian relationship.

In the last part of the article, I identify the primary concepts that are at stake in the relevant sections of these amendments - "recognition," "status," and "similarity to marriage" - and offer an analysis of these terms that will help courts in the event that they are called upon to interpret them. In the course of the analysis, I find that a public employer's decision to premise the dispensation of partner benefits on the existence of the employee's relationship violates the prohibition against recognizing a status for unmarried individuals. This fact notwithstanding, the crux of my analysis focuses on the similarity provision: if the status recognized by the state does not fall within the scope of the similarity prohibition laid out by the amendment, then the domestic partner benefits plan should be upheld.

Keywords: employee benefits, same-sex marriage, same-sex marriage amendment

[jw]

Elderly Spinster Sisters Lose Bid For Inclusion In UK Gay Partner Law

Link: 365Gay.com

Excerpt:

image Two elderly sisters who live together have lost their final appeal in a discrimination case that claimed they were victims of discrimination under Britain's civil partner law.

Joyce Burden, 90, and her 82-year-old sister Sybil (pictured) claimed that the partner law should have included any two people living in an interdependent relationship.

By not being included in the law they claim they could lose the their family home if either of them dies because the other could not afford to keep the home and pay Britain's death duty tax.

The women fought their case all the way to the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg.

On Tuesday the court in 15-2 ruling rejected their claim.

[...]

[jw]